Michela Wrong

Has Kenya Destroyed the ICC?

The body blows dealt by Nairobi have human rights groups questioning whether the court can -- or should -- prosecute atrocities in South Sudan and other African states.

When the supporters of Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto began systematically attacking the International Criminal Court (ICC) as a neo-colonialist institution biased against Africans in the run-up to Kenya's 2013 election, their prime concern was domestic: to ensure their champions escaped prosecution at The Hague. A publicity campaign that made clever use of social media was transformed into government policy once the two men were inaugurated president and deputy president, respectively. It then acquired diplomatic wings, with envoys from Nairobi crisscrossing the continent to drum up support, culminating with an extraordinary African Union summit last October at which it was agreed that African heads of state would no longer face ICC prosecution during terms in office.

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Why Are Africa's Militaries So Disappointingly Bad?

How history, greed, and nepotism are preventing the continent from securing itself against al-Shabab, Boko Haram, and other threats.

The optimistic "Africa Rising" slogan has been looking a little tired of late, as its critics point out that higher growth rates do not necessarily deliver either jobs or poverty alleviation. There's been less focus on another area where the "Africa Rising" narrative also seems to be failing to deliver: improved security for the continent's 1.1 billion inhabitants.

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‘Everyone Is Corrupt in Kenya, Even Grandmothers’

Is East Africa’s economic powerhouse becoming the continent’s newest lootocracy?

When the African press reported last month that Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe, not a leader known for his austere spending habits, had warned his generals against allowing his country to become "like Nigeria and Kenya, where you have to reach into your pocket to get anything done," the reaction in East Africa's biggest economy was one of derision. Kenya's collective scorn, however, was not aimed at Mugabe. It was directed inward. "The truth is bitter," ran a typical comment on the Standard newspaper's website. "You know you are in trouble when a fellow thief accuses you of stealing!" said another. "Everyone is corrupt in Kenya, even grandmothers," lamented another. 

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Leave None to Tell the Other Story

20 years after the Rwandan genocide, is Paul Kagame's government assassinating its critics?

When a British friend met up with Patrick Karegeya in a Johannesburg hotel in late 2013, the former Rwandan head of external intelligence appeared to have reached a crisis point. There was no sign of the two bodyguards -- supplied by the South African government -- who once dogged his every move. "He referred to himself as 'a dead man walking' but strolled from garage to foyer without a sideways glance, taking no notice of possible surveillance," remembers the friend. "He was the most depressed I've seen him in years."

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#AfricaTrending

From FIFA to Magnum ice cream to Nairobi’s traffic, a glimpse at what Africans talk about on Twitter.

The last quarter of 2013 was a turbulent period in Africa. Nelson Mandela died, plunging South Africa into mourning and robbing the world of a secular saint. Hopes of peace in South Sudan were dashed when a new civil war broke out. Militias fighting sent thousands fleeing the Central African Republic. Uganda's parliament passed a draconian anti-gay law.

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