Tuesday, March 6, 2012 - 6:20 AM

By "A Syrian-American"
Best Defense guest column
The Bashar al-Assad regime now faces itself with the dilemma of quelling a quickly proliferating armed insurgency that has fused with a popular uprising. Cities like Homs, Zabadani, Rastan, and Idlib have become modern day ghettos, sealed off by special task forces of elite units and paramilitary squads specifically recruited to cleanse neighborhoods and towns of those who dare to resist the Baathist diktat.
By many definitions, Syria has become ensnared in a full-fledged civil war. But beyond the narrative of internal strife, when one takes a careful look at a map of where the uprisings are taking place and the towns that have effectively ceased to recognize the government, a competing narrative emerges not of internecine conflict but one of national unity -- a whole country that has been brought together in opposition to the Assad family's self-declared right to rule.
The people in this archipelago of resistance cling to a hope -- perhaps foolishly -- that their cause will win the day. Like any illegitimate occupational force, the Assad loyalist army can only control the ground occupied by its Soviet-era tanks. Take out the saturation of paramilitary, heavy artillery, and special forces units in the cities, and the popular rebellion will reach critical mass.
For Syrians attempting to survive, there is no illusion of life under the Assad tyranny. The executions of captured defectors, and the past executions of leading non-violent activist heroes like Ghaith Mattar speak to the reality that there can be no reconciliation with the mass murderers of the Baath Party.
The delusions of dialogue and a negotiated settlement with the Assad apparatus have long faded. One cannot negotiate, let alone reason, with a government that makes mass killings its domestic policy. In every way, the ideology and the solution being employed by Bashar al-Assad and his confidants are neo-fascist in function and form.
Reaching the tipping point to this conflict will require a determined shove by the international community. There are broader regional interests in play, and a rebel victory can prove to be a damning blow to Iranian hegemonic aspirations that have claimed the lives of freedom-seeking Syrians in addition to the Americans who have fallen victim to Iranian-supplied weaponry throughout the region. The rebels now claim that they are fighting the same Hizballah and Iranian revolutionary guard forces in Syria that have wrought so much havoc across the world for the West.
Hundreds of civilians have needlessly died since U.N. Human Rights Commissioner Navi Pillay's presciently warned the U.N. General Assembly that the ongoing assault and shelling by Bashar al-Assad's forces against the city of Homs presented a "harbinger of worse to come." Among the dead are journalists who perished attempting to show the world just how real, and how tragically correct, Pillay had been -- and just how wrong the assembly of global leadership have proved in their stupor.
To further punctuate the consequences of paralysis, Pillay rightly cautioned the General Assembly that the failure of the U.N. to enact "collective action" was actually "emboldening" the Assad regime to escalate the violence against his own people. Since the U.N. human rights report presented by Pillay was published, the regime, sadly, has launched a second concerted campaign to retake rebel-held territory in the north while simultaneously pouring hundreds of tanks and infantry fighting vehicles into the strategic mountain town of Zabadani on the Lebanese border.
By the time you read these words, more cities will have come under siege. Hoping that the world will see them, the residents of the town of Ar Rastan, an essentially liberated town, have written in large rock formations the words "S.O.S," hoping that they would be seen from the sky. Their eyes turn upwards not just in the hope of salvation from the nightmare that many are now living, but in the desire for a lifeline that provides support beyond tired platitudes.
The U.S. State Department even published satellite imagery of the formations of artillery batteries and tanks that are pummeling cities en masse. Perhaps it was done to shame the regime and its allies. The real shame is now borne by those who watched those armor columns and the screaming 120 mm shells slam into the homes of the innocent -- and did nothing.
The imperative for bold American action has never been stronger. While the Qataris and the Saudis have openly called for the funding and material aid of the rebels, the Turks have made it clear that they are not willing to go all in without some degree of U.S. backing. As uncomfortable as it may be, an end-game in Syria will require a level of U.S. involvement, whether be it direct or through an indirect approach.
Moral clarity can be best guided by this realization: this regime has concluded that in order to control the ghettos that have risen against it, they must be razed. The late Hafez al-Assad did this to one city in the past, Hama, that rebelled against his authority in 1982. Today, the younger Assad faces many more situations, and is displaying an equal determination to destroy them all.
And so the world now has a front-row seat to the play-by-play gradual demolition of homes, neighborhoods, and of whole families -- their liberation cut short by a vengeful, cruel, and cynical regime. The aftermath, as it were, is already visible for all to see in horrid detail. Yet western leaders continue to balk at taking a bold position, fearing that supporting the rebels in any form could somehow enable religious extremists and Al Qaeda.
Secretary Clinton was wrong when she suggested that supporting rebel forces could benefit al Qaeda. Yes, it is true that al Qaeda's leader Ayman Zawhiri declared his solidarity with the rebels and called on jihadis to support their cause. But in his distant Waziristan cave, the disconnected Zawhiri is a feckless general commanding phantom legions. There is no room for an Islamic Emirate in Syria. Liberation is not a slippery slope to rule by the clerics. The fighters are not looking to replace a mustached dictator with a bearded one. The Muslim Brotherhood is widely viewed in suspicion by the revolutionary councils and rebel fighters alike. It makes little sense to cede the ground to the jihadis in Syria when their program carries little credibility among the rebels and the majority Sunni Arab populace. It will be municipal elections and the desire to reawaken a civic involvement that is truly invested in their country's future that will occupy the daily concerns of Free Syrians -- not the resurrection of the caliphate.
The end of the Assad regime will not immediately usher in a grand new era of democracy and functioning governance, but the sooner the first steps are taken towards this transition, the more any negative fallout can be mitigated and safely contained. This will be good for Syria, the region, and more broadly Western interests.
To achieve their vision for victory, from Homs to Deraa, the revolutionary councils that guide the day-to-day insurrectionist activity and the rebel networks they support are looking to the U.S., EU, and the Gulf countries for aid. There is growing disillusionment of the timid international response and of the apparent lack of willingness by the West to support the revolution. According to rebel reports, even those Syrians who volunteered to fight U.S. forces in Iraq have expressed their support for receiving American aid to fight the regime.
Some Western commentators have opined that opposition groups on the ground are disorganized and incapable of overthrowing the regime. They are wrong. The capability to take on Assad forces exists and the possibility of a rebel victory is real, but this outcome becomes more realistic in the near future if enabled and supported with material aid.
The rebels have proven their bona fides; regime security forces even with overwhelming firepower took weeks before they could enter the Baba Amr neighborhood in Homs -- and that's just one neighborhood. As any rebel force does, the one in Syria fights and retreats and fights again as it gathers additional strength from its popular support. But there are no Benghazis here. Alone they can at best put forth a heroic stand that will lead to a prolonged stalemate. With aid, they can end the violence, and the Assad-sponsored killing fields, by ending the regime.
I have no doubt that the humanitarian situation in Syria is as bad as the writer describes -- maybe even worse than anyone knows. But why is the writer aiming his plea for intervention almost solely at the US and the West? What about the Arab states in the area? Are any of them stepping up to the plate? If they aren't alarmed enough to act on behalf of their fellow Muslims in Syria, then how on earth can the US justify intervening?
This column, and many like it, make the case for intervention. But I really wonder if it is Possible, with a capital P. There are the hawks in the US that would support it, through various means. But the US leading a force or solely intervening in Syria would more likely mean war than a Libyan-style nudge out the door for the old regime. And Iran would certainly not stand by (Hizb'allah, etc). What would the domino effect of US intervention be on the Iranian situation? Does a Syrian conflict beget an open war with Iran? Trading Iraq and Afghanistan in the '00's for Syria and Iran in the '10's?
I don't see a majority in Congress or the country with the palate for the expenditure of another MENA war, the lives it would inevitably cost and the "distraction" when most everyone is worried about jobs and the financial future of this country. We've been down this road before, and it was called Iraq, not Libya. Egypt required bascially nothing but lip service from the US. Libya was "cheap" and easy by comparison; right place, right time, right opposition. Syria is none of those things, at least now.
This is a political year in the USA. For our Syrian-American friend that is very bad news for he and his compatriots who have chosen to take on the Assad regime. Like FG42 said I don’t doubt the things the writer said about that regime are perhaps even an understatement. But his ‘trust me’ on the quantity and quality of the opposition reminds me of a used car salesman. What else would be possibly say?
Even the most obtuse political strategist could tell ‘Syrian-American’ that there is no appetite in the United States for another war at this time particularly the kind that would be required to topple Assad. When we see Turkey, Jordan, the Saudi’s and others of their ilk move their forces into Syria then by all means give them a hand particularly logistical and from the air. Until them I don’t see how an American President and this also includes Romney in the highly unlikely event he stumbles into the White House starting a second term or a new administration with another war?
I don't know if we should intervene...
But the present situation in Syria looks remarkably like the worst-case scenario described by the Obama administration to justify a no-fly zone in Libya. At the time that concern seemed a bit convenient, as Quaddafi did not seem to have the capability to conduct operations on that level and the anti-government forces were already growing in strength. Compare that to Syria today, where the government is conducting heavy military operations against nearly defenseless cities.
Any argument about why we should or should not intervene is not about relative humanitarian concerns, but about the higher difficulty level of the task, both militarily and diplomatically.
So, What Is A Syrian-American?
An American, in sum. Given that this individual has chosen to be an American (and who can blame him?), how is it that he wants intervention in Syria, a country in which he appears to otherwise have little interest? Perhaps he would like, say, to travel to Turkey and put himself at the disposition of the rebels without a cause. His help would certainly be greatly appreciated, certainly more than if Syrian refugees , internally displaced or who have crossed an international border, were to read this little piece.
Frankly, it's off-putting to see this (ahem) Syrian-American claiming that the ousting of poor Bashers would somehow deal a Terrible Blow to Iran. That Iran which is credited with practically every act of resistance in Iraq (somehow the Jordanian and Saudi contributions to Al Qaeda In Iraq have taken a back seat) and is now allegedly hurting the 'innocent Syrian people.' It'd seem that the US ought to bomb Syria because it'd really be retaliating against Iran for its general badness. Not only that but Hezbollah and the Pasdaran are thrown into the mix -- apparently there are thousands of them in Syria. You'd wonder, where did all the Syrians go?
Now for the comical Navi Pillay. Or her office. The people who speak of 'snipers' infesting roof-tops. The ones who write alarming reports, citing tge use of 'anti-personnel carriers'. The man of the Arab Spring must surely be the 'sniper.' This magical Baathist Beast has one dominating characteristic -- he can be 'seen' on a roof-top (including, allegedly but improbably, by at least one 'Arab monitor.') Oddly, whenever you see footage of a 'rebel' with a scoped weapon he is generally firing through a rough embrasure, often without poking the barrel out the far side of the wall. But those pesky Baathist snipers they proudly strut about on parade. Thanks a lot, Navi. Now why don't you take 'rebel' guesstimates of dead and wounded and call them facts? What's that, you've already done so? Yup, knew that already. Oh and I almost forgot about the 'activist' who shiveringly informed The World At Large of the 300 tanks 'surrounding' Zabadani. Oh, well...
The writer must be over the moon now that John McCain is howling, 'Bomb, bomb, bomb.' Not Iran. Not yet anyway. Now if he could only convince Benny the Bug to 'do something' humanitarian. Imagine, bombing Arabs in order to save them. The US, he affirms, must lead because Turkey is waiting for some sort of green light. Excellent idea, the Turks can currently bomb the snot out of Iraqi Kurdistan in pursuit of the PKK. It's only natural that the Kurds of Syria want to be bombed for the next decade or three as well -- look, poor old Apo isn't in Damascus any more but how can it be thought that the Turks want US leadership when their own security wishes would likely be sacrificed on the altar of NATO?
The bonafides of the 'rebels' are opaque. Could it be otherwise, given that media attention is rarely directed on what they get up to in 'liberated' areas? But the call for intervention isn't really humanitarian, it's (and how I hate this word) 'strategic.' Dominos, y'know. Leading to Tehran.
Don't Bring Your Old Wars or Feuds with you to America
I am an Irish American but I don't think US should liberate Northern Ireland.
People bringing their old wars, rivalries, and feuds with them from the "old country" make me tired. This sounds more like a Syrian living in America than an American. See if you can distinguish between America's Interests and Syria's Interests.
Yes, I fully agree. But it seems that America, with its history and tradition of immigrants, is always being lobbied to take foreign policy positions that favor or punish the "old country" of one ethnic group or another in the population. Examples? The Cuban exiles, the refugees from South Vietnam, the Friends of Israel, the Chinese of a previous generation who fled China with the defeated Kuomintang, etc. Sadly, the very notion of what is an "American" seems to be getting rather fuzzy today....but that's another topic for another day!
Some tweaking of the legal definition of treason needed
I'm not talking free speech. If the Armenians want to burn fez-bedecked dummies and parade nasty pictures of Ataturk on the Mall all day long, more power to 'em. Same goes for the inter-Semitic battles. They can set up conferences trash talking each other all day long, but no more political lobbying, no more grovelling to foreign interest lobbies, if citizens are caught working for a foreign state or stateless organization or serving in its military- loss of citizenship, and no statute of limitations (Mr. Peter King).
Talking about tribal feuds from the former Ottoman empire, considering the geopolitical Pandora's Box they opened in WW1, the Brits really have paid us back for Yorktown over and over again.
Unfortunately, Syria is in the Middle East, and nothing is ever as simple as it may have been up in the Maghreb of N. Africa, like Libya.
We know that Iran and Syria have a formal mutual defense treaty with each other. If Syria were attacked by the U.S., would Iran militarily come to the aid of an allie, which could further escalate the conflict, and cause even more civilian casualties?
Consider that Iran funds and resupplies Hizballah primarily through the Damascus International Airport, using Hizballah as its proxy in Lebanon, as well as against Israel, and by extension of that, may see Syria as an integral part of the their foreign policy in the region. . .an issue I don’t see Iran giving-up on easily if I'm correct?
I would also debate with the commentator that the opposition groups against the Ba’athist regime in Damascus are in fact fragmented, in that the Syrian National Council (SNC) and the National coordination Body for Democratic Change (NCB), don’t see eye-to-eye; the SNC feeling that the NCB are too moderate, to say nothing of the Free Syrian Army, who basically operate on their own against targets of opportunity.
There is another issue of the Arab League: in 1982, the Arab League saw civil unrest in Lebanon, and dispatched a military deterrent mission, albeit, spearhead primarily by the Syrian army. What is the hold-up this time?
Perhaps the member states composing the Arab League understand that if you break it, you own it? I would remind everyone that if this rebellion escalates to a full blown civil war in Syria, and we have no clear and competent group that can take over the government and restore order, someone had better plan on getting a quick footprint on the ground and securing Syria's chemical weapons stockpiles, which unlike Iraq, al-Assad does have.
One wonders, if today Bashers is gone and the baby has been thrown out with the Baath water, would this somehow be beneficial to Israel? That is, wpould those WMD be destroyed with, say, US help, and a peace treaty be signed with Israel and would then all be sweetness and light thereafter? It would be unlikely for Iran to attempt intervention in Syria which is wwhere intervention might have some effect. If it comes to that, does Syria perchance have a treaty with Russia, one that contains Secret Clauses pertaining to Russian intervention?
Libya saw the MANPADS scare, it's not as though Syria doesn't have them too. And they're a great deal closer to the Land of Benny. My guess is that at some time we'll see Ehud warbling on about Syrian WMD being transferred to Hezbollah. That way he can try to do what Amir Peretz and Ehud The Corrupt couldn't. And heym, why not level parts of Gaza at the same time. I mean, that's The Plan if there is an Israeli attack on Iran. Call it pre-emption.
If Zawahiri is merely ‘a feckless general commanding phantom legions’, then it’s time to dial back the burgeoning executive authority that AG Holder defended as recently as yesterday.
1. Why on earth would the US want to get embroiled in another Middle Eastern war?
2. The indirect approach (does this mean arming the rebels?) is subject to the law of unintended consequences. It has come back to bite us in Afghanistan, so I think it would be prudent, especially on the part of elected American officials, to dial back the rhetoric on that score. Let's not arm anyone that we don't have direct supervision of (and even that can lead to problems).
3. Why does the UN Human Rights Commissioner think that appealing to the General Assembly will lead to any action? Most of that body is of the same mind about how to run a country as Assad. They wouldn't want to set a precedent that would lead to their own downfall.
Just one more hate-Assad piece
Words that came to mind while reading it included Black Panthers, Symbionese Liberation Army, Waco. And, as well, Olympia Snowe, the US Senator with the prettiest name.
This article isn't what I've been hoping for in the past several weeks, a clear exposition of the views of the government of Syria and the people who have risen up to oppose it in armed combat. Clearly we're being given distorted views of what's going on there, and a lot of those views are designed to get American money and weapons flowing in that direction, together with, if needed, some amount of American blood. As another observer has pointed out, there have been in recent weeks many accounts of individual Syrian army men who have defected, complete with their personal weapons, to help the "Free" Syrians, but little note of what seems the reality: no Syrian army units are defecting.
What's going on in Syria is a display of what has been evident domestically in recent years: it's that when governments see armed threats to public order (i.e., central authority) within their borders, they're entirely prepared to raze those parts of their nation. It's been America's good fortune that in recent years, armed dissidents have been unable to draw on foreign aid in the form of money and weapons to take up their desires for violent rebellion against Washington. It seems clear that some Syrian neighbors have been in recent months more generous to that nation's dissidents.
Syria under al-Assad is the same nation that within the past ten years has been an enlightened and kindly international humanitarian state with peaceful and prosperous Christian and Jewish citizens and an open hand to large numbers of frightened Iraqis fleeing their homeland after the US invasion took the lid off their own violent society. What changed? This Best Defense Syrian-American doesn't seem to know or care. Too much caring outside Syria today seems aimed only at fueling the current combat in ways the Symbionese Liberation Army and the Black Panthers dreamed of and never achieved.
Which brings me to Olympia Snowe, who plans to quit the US Senate at the end of the current term, and last week explained why in a piece for the Washington Post.
Senator Snowe is not a lightweight. She explains, in effect, that time has passed for a person who, like her, sees virtue in initiatives that her party leaders decry as foul, and votes on her principled belief. She believes that this is the sort of person the founding fathers hoped and called for and that current party leaders simply can't stand. Congress, she writes, has already gone to hell in a handcart, and she sees no reason to believe that it will change much in our lifetimes.
I take her point, and in support of it, draw attention to the increasing pattern in the past few years of electing men and women to go to Washington because they pledge, in effect, to bring the national government to its knees. A few newspaper stories in the past 12 months suggest that folks who have put such dissidents on the Federal payroll are discontented because there's still a Federal government. Faced with this disappointment, some now speak of sending even wilder dissidents to Washington in November in place of those current wild fellows who haven't yet figured out how to strangle the Federal government in the family bathtub.
Senator Snowe's is a remarkable piece and a service to the republic. It merits wide readership among those who love the nation. Here's how it goes:
__________________________________
Olympia Snowe: Why I’m leaving the Senate
By Olympia J. Snowe, published March 2
Two truths are all too often overshadowed in today’s political discourse: Public service is a most honorable pursuit, and so is bipartisanship.
I have been immeasurably honored to serve the people of Maine for nearly 40 years in public office and for the past 17 years in the United States Senate. It was incredibly difficult to decide that I would not seek a fourth term in the Senate.
Some people were surprised by my conclusion, yet I have spoken on the floor of the Senate for years about the dysfunction and political polarization in the institution. Simply put, the Senate is not living up to what the Founding Fathers envisioned.
During the Federal Convention of 1787, James Madison wrote in his Notes of Debates that “the use of the Senate is to consist in its proceedings with more coolness, with more system, and with more wisdom, than the popular branch.” Indeed, the Founding Fathers intended the Senate to serve as an institutional check that ensures all voices are heard and considered, because while our constitutional democracy is premised on majority rule, it is also grounded in a commitment to minority rights.
Yet more than 200 years later, the greatest deliberative body in history is not living up to its billing. The Senate of today routinely jettisons regular order, as evidenced by the body’s failure to pass a budget for more than 1,000 days; serially legislates by political brinkmanship, as demonstrated by the debt-ceiling debacle of August that should have been addressed the previous January; and habitually eschews full debate and an open amendment process in favor of competing, up-or-down, take-it-or-leave-it proposals. We witnessed this again in December with votes on two separate proposals for a balanced-budget amendment to the Constitution.
As Ronald Brownstein recently observed in National Journal, Congress is becoming more like a parliamentary system — where everyone simply votes with their party and those in charge employ every possible tactic to block the other side. But that is not what America is all about, and it’s not what the Founders intended. In fact, the Senate’s requirement of a supermajority to pass significant legislation encourages its members to work in a bipartisan fashion.
One difficulty in making the Senate work the way it was intended is that America’s electorate is increasingly divided into red and blue states, with lawmakers representing just one color or the other. Before the 1994 election, 34 senators came from states that voted for a presidential nominee of the opposing party. That number has dropped to just 25 senators in 2012. The result is that there is no practical incentive for 75 percent of the senators to work across party lines.
The great challenge is to create a system that gives our elected officials reasons to look past their differences and find common ground if their initial party positions fail to garner sufficient support. In a politically diverse nation, only by finding that common ground can we achieve results for the common good. That is not happening today and, frankly, I do not see it happening in the near future.
For change to occur, our leaders must understand that there is not only strength in compromise, courage in conciliation and honor in consensus-building — but also a political reward for following these tenets. That reward will be real only if the people demonstrate their desire for politicians to come together after the planks in their respective party platforms do not prevail.
I certainly don’t have all the answers, and reversing the corrosive trend of winner-take-all politics will take time. But as I enter a new chapter in my life, I see a critical need to engender public support for the political center, for our democracy to flourish and to find solutions that unite rather than divide us.
I do not believe that, in the near term, the Senate can correct itself from within. It is by nature a political entity and, therefore, there must be a benefit to working across the aisle.
But whenever Americans have set our minds to tackling enormous problems, we have met with tremendous success. And I am convinced that, if the people of our nation raise their collective voices, we can effect a renewal of the art of legislating — and restore the luster of a Senate that still has the potential of achieving monumental solutions to our nation’s most urgent challenges. I look forward to helping the country raise those voices to support the Senate returning to its deserved status and stature — but from outside the institution.
Snow is tired of dealing with Sunbelt GOPers
and who can blame her? The lesson learned from US politics is if you compromise with Southerner and neo-Southerner politicians they will see it for weakness and, having smelt blood, they will continue to walk all over you. Much of the bellicose rhetoric we hear from the Sunbelt about not compromising with the enemy could probably be seen as projecting.
But before we shed a tear over the departure of reasonable, serious(tm) centrists like Snowe, let's remind ourselves that these people are part of the problem. Having supported a flawed war, and realized it too late to accomplish much good, a centrist like Snowe bears responsibility for helping to drag the muddle out over a decade. Snowe's history vis-a-vis the Iraq war is a classic example of hedging her bets by a contradictory voting history. She proved her big business GOP Bonafides by refusing to vote for legislation that would have made funding the wars harder (Gregg Amendment) and for oversight over contractors (Dorgan Amendment 1670).
Syria ain't Iraq, but the interventionist arguments are
very similar. Similar enough to discourage rather than encourage America to intervene.
Syria also isn't Libya or Egypt. Different culture, economy. But in all of these countries the promise of the so-called Arab Spring has proven false. The technocrats aren't winning. The guys with beards, who the commentator dismisses, appear to be the political beneficiaries of these revolutions. There's a pattern there, the US would be foolish to ignore it.
Are we to believe that a victorious rebel Sunni movement would spurn Saudi "assistance"? Most likely, said rebels would play the US and the Saudis off against each other in a bidding war for influence. We don't need to play that game anymore, we aren't good at it. Foreigners get infrastructure assistance, the M.I.C. gets a new playground; war profiteers, multinationals and the Chinese derive economic benefits, and the American taxpayer gets debt.
I'd disagree with JPWREL and some others, I think the American desire to intervene is still there, look at recent polling about popular support of attacking Iran. But the desire of those Americans who are most pro-war: Southerners, some Midwesterners, older white males, GOPers, and mainstream conservative Evangelicals is suppressed by fear of losing entitlements. The neocons are still prowar because they aren't too concerned about unfunded medicare or social security, but their blue collar fellow travelers are spooked. Just because we can't buy the biggest toy on the rack doesn't mean we don't want it.
"Some Western commentators have opined that opposition groups on the ground are disorganized and incapable of overthrowing the regime. They are wrong. The capability to take on Assad forces exists and the possibility of a rebel victory is real, but this outcome becomes more realistic in the near future if enabled and supported with material aid."
This is merely an assertion. On what basis does this "Syrian-American" make this claim? He says nothing that indicates he has been on the ground or anywhere near it. Is the "Syrian-American" moniker--whose veracity I am assuming Ricks has established--supposed to confer credibility? Anybody could say what he is saying, and many have. You can go to Josh Landis's Syria Comment website and get various sides of the story from observers who at least give the impression of having been in or around Syria lately. Where's the value added?
I now hasten to the Landis website. The lack of serious information on how things reached their currant state in Syria is irritating and dangerous. In almost every forum, much comment seems to be that what happened in Syria doesn't matter, what happened in Moscow, Washington, the UN headquarters and the like are the real stuff. Excellent way to enter a silly war, and likely, lose it. Vide the war to help barbers in Afghanistan, entered without much idea of what goes on in Kabul.
Doesn't the Muslim Brotherhood have enough countries to run for?
Pull your own chestnuts out of the fire, man.
...With all due respect to Hillary Supporters......the Clinton's are clearly not known or associated with honesty or integrity.she was simply there as The First Lady she is a master at Manipulating the public with lies and deceit.
"Is rio orange war always forfait mobile inevitable ?"
MaximB
I have no idea why she was chosen. Who every heard of her before this pick except Alaskians? Yes, he needed a woman but he would have been better with Kay Bailey Hutchinson or someone people know about. Bad choice on his part..
"Is rio orange war always comparateur forfait inevitable ?"
MaximB
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