By Elbridge Colby
Best Defense containment bureau chief

In a widely-reported speech on Nov. 8 to the General Assembly of Jewish Federations of North America, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu bluntly reasserted his view that "[c]ontainment will not work against Iran" and therefore that "the only responsible policy is to prevent [Iran] from developing atomic bombs in the first place." Netanyahu left no doubt that he advocates the use of military force to achieve that goal. Nor is Netanyahu alone in promoting this view, not only in Israel and in the United States but elsewhere -- for example, the UAE's ambassador recently did so.

Without question, preventing an Iranian nuclear capability should be the objective of Washington and the international community, but is Netanyahu right that seeking to contain a nuclear Iran would be worse than taking military action to prevent Tehran from acquiring such weapons? 

Most arguments against using military force to stop Iran's nuclear program focus on the costs to us, but the truth is that a bombing campaign is not actually necessary. Rather, there is good reason to believe that Washington, Tel Aviv, and their associates can deter Iran from transgressing their vital interests even if Tehran gets a nuclear weapon. Why? Containment or deterrence requires, inter alia:

  • A regime whose behavior can be substantially influenced by credible threats and which values certain things that can be held at risk of damage or destruction;
  • That the demands of the deterring party are tolerable to the targeted country, given the scale of the threat issued;
  • And that this threat is backed by real capability and will.

U.S. and Israeli containment of a nuclear Iran would satisfy these criteria. First, the Iranian regime is malevolent, but it is not crazy. The regime in Tehran is dangerous, but experience and common sense indicate that it is sufficiently rational to understand the calculus of cost and benefit. Second, Tehran is vulnerable -- that is, the Iranians have much that they value that the United States and Israel can hold at risk. Third, the United States, Israel, and their associates clearly have the capabilities to follow through on their threats; indeed, the military balance, especially at the higher levels of warfare, is drastically tilted in the West's direction. Fourth, what we would ask for is reasonable; the vital interests that Washington, Tel Aviv, and their associates would demand a nuclear Iran not transgress are essentially status quo and would not need to involve the forced transformation of the Iranian regime. 

Let's explore these points:

The Iranian Regime's Basic Rationality: While Netanyahu correctly set out the hostile and in many cases despicable actions of the Iranian regime, he does not show that it is irrational. Classical deterrence -- the threat of violence upon provocation -- does not require some kind of optimal, neo-classical economics rationality. In its pure form, it requires the rationality of Darwin. If one's (real) red lines are crossed, one's opponent should fear death or destruction. The available evidence certainly suggests that the Tehran regime exhibits this kind of rationality. After all, they've held on to power in a tough neighborhood for over thirty years, indicating that they know how to stay alive despite being under threat from stronger states. Reports suggest that China and Russia, Iran experts, and the U.S. intelligence community all view the Iranian regime as fundamentally sensitive to cost-benefit calculations. Thus, if Tehran is credibly threatened with harm if it takes some aggressive action, there is very good reason to think the Iranian regime's behavior will be channeled away from such action.

Iran's Vulnerability: For deterrence to work there must be something that the deterring party can strike after a provocation. Iran has such targets in score. The regime is not a stateless terrorist organization, but rather an ethnically-grounded state, with a plethora of leadership, military, political, economic, and other facilities that the United States, Israel, and their associates can hold at risk. Indeed, so substantial and variable are Iranian targets that the West would have substantial leeway to shape its deterrent posture according to the kind of provocation the Iranians might undertake.

The West's Great Strength: In the Cold War, the West worried about whether deterrence could work once the Soviets matched and in some respects exceeded NATO's military strength. No such problem afflicts the Iranian equation. The United States and Israel grossly outmatch Iran at every level of capability save, in the Middle East itself, the lowest. The peerless capabilities of U.S. air, maritime, special operations, and nuclear forces (the last naturally reserved for the gravest circumstances) mean that the United States can inflict crushing damage on Iran, with the only real limit on damage set by Washington itself. U.S. capabilities also allow Washington great selectivity in imposing such damage, meaning that the West's retaliatory threats would not be limited to inaction or annihilation. In addition, U.S. missile defense means that Iran could never be confident it could deliver nuclear weapons successfully with ballistic missiles.

The West's Reasonable Demands: Finally, what the West would demand of Iran would be essentially defensive and status quo in nature, demands that Tehran could meet without humiliation or abandonment of its own core interests. Basically, the West would presumably require that Tehran not invade or use military (especially nuclear) coercion against protected states (e.g., Israel, the GCC, as well as NATO and other allies of Washington). For the equation to balance, the West would have to guarantee that it would not use military force to overthrow the regime, thus giving Tehran a strong incentive to stick with the status quo. The essential choice Iran would face would be to embark on aggression that would likely prompt tremendous retaliation or respect the West's boundaries and enjoy immunity from invasion. While Netanyahu implied that an Iran armed with a weapon would be far more aggressive, this calculus instead suggests it would be boxed in. How, precisely, could they aggressively use their nuclear weapons that would make sense?

Containing a nuclear Iran is an eminently plausible and practical objective. Of course, such a course would not be perfect -- deterrence is not a catch-all nor is it easy, and it is likely that Iran would continue to be a serious adversary at lower levels of violence. But deterrence could reasonably promise to negate the truly grave consequences of Iranian acquisition. Moreover, containment is certainly not the best outcome -- successfully preventing Iranian acquisition is. But if the only way to do that is to embark on a probably futile attempt to military suppress Iran's nuclear program, or, God forbid, invade Iran, the hard work of containment offers a least bad option.

Elbridge Colby has served in several national security positions with the U.S. Government, most recently with the Department of Defense working on the follow-on to the START Treaty and as an expert advisor to the Congressional Strategic Posture Commission. The views expressed herein are his own and do not necessarily represent the views of any institution with which he is affiliated.

ATTA KENARE/AFP/Getty Images

 

TYRTAIOS

4:01 PM ET

November 12, 2010

"Burn out the day, Burn out the night"

“Containing a nuclear Iran is an eminently plausible and practical objective.” Being an ignorant country boy, I had to look up the word eminently in my tyrannosaurus, and found it could mean exceedingly.

On the surface containing a nuclear Iran may look exceedingly plausible, but what’s been left-out is any discussion of the possibility of an Iranian mindset, emboldened by a nuclear weapon(s) capability, that allows Iran to feel it can expand militarily by conventional force as it did in 1971 with the occupation of the UAE Abu Musa and Tunb Islands, leading to a larger military escalation sucking the U.S. in.

In order to prevent that, the U.S. of A. would have to plan and execute a costly enhanced and permanent regional sea/land military capability in addition to relying on regional allies allowing us access to bases long term - can we afford this? How plausible is it on our budget long term? And when could we start having no clue in Afghansitan?

Another issue I have with containment of a nuclear Iran (nuclear being the key word) is the command-and-control the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) might have over a future deliverable nuclear arsenal? With the ever expanding dominance the IRGC has acquired over Iran’s politics and security to date, containment doesn’t inspire a lot of confidence in me. My mind seems to work overtime that this outfit might think a retaliatory strike might be worth the punishment to get a first strike on Israel?

When we speak about containment, I would like to hear a bit more depth in the discussion which I didn’t. Besides, when was the last time an American presidential administration got anything right about Iran?

"I cant see no reason to put up a fight
I'm living for givin the devil his due
And I'm burnin, I'm burnin, I'm burnin for you."

 

JPWREL

7:04 PM ET

November 12, 2010

As TYRTAIOS illustrates there

As TYRTAIOS illustrates there is a world of difference between ‘containment’ and ‘deterrence’. Our experience with the Soviet Union proves that ‘deterrence’ is not necessarily the same as ‘containment’. The nuclear deterrence of the Soviet Union worked by making the cost of the use of nuclear weapons prohibitively and disproportionately expensive relative to the potential political gain. The regime in Moscow, which like Iran was arbitrary and brutal, still possessed the powers of rational risk assessment. However, at the same time under the cover of a ‘plausible’ use of nuclear weapons the Soviet Union participated in roughly four decades of global mischief making.

While the odds of the Soviets launching a nuclear strike were remote it still seriously complicated the United States calculations in responding to the Soviets overt conventional threats via proxies. The Cuban missile crisis and the arming of Syria and Egypt in order to intimidate Israel and indeed strike at her both in 1967 and 1973 are examples where we successfully deterred escalation to a nuclear exchange but still had to ‘contain’ Soviet adventurism done under the umbrella of nuclear arms.

 

WALKING WOUNDED

1:50 AM ET

November 14, 2010

Re Soviet containment and deterrence

JP, plot the Cold War location of offensive US nuclear forces around the Soviet Union: Alaska, Korea, England, Germany, Italy, Turkey, Iran. U-2's overflying Moscow from Pakistan, plus boomers and attack subs in the Pacific, Arctic, Med and maybe Baltic.

Now, plot the locations of Soviet nuclear forces deployed around the US perimeter. Soviet boomer doctrine kept their offensive subs within the Soviet maritime air umbrella, unless things got so tense as to warrant a breakout. The full Cuba story is still classified, and probably still contains a few surprises.

I've no love for commie Rooshuns. I've lived with my family very near a probable ground zero military target my entire life. But a map shows that we were nuclear forward deployed vis their homeland, not vice versa. Yes, i know their are other factors, differences in the use of strategic depth.

A map of forces arrayed around Iran today might help to inform this discussion. No one needs to be on the Ayatollah's side; it still helps to get real with a map, and look at it from the oppositions POV. If Zbignew was advising Khameini, he would have to tell him the strategic situation would improve if the Twelvers had nuclear sovereignty.

 

TYRTAIOS

10:56 AM ET

November 14, 2010

Consider the following Walking Wounded

I acknowledge your point Double W and I will also acknowledge that bringing a nuclear device on line does not equate to a deliverable nuclear weapon (though outside state technology might accelerate that). Allow me to further acknowledge that even with a deliverable nuclear weapon, I would agree with most analysts that Tehran, save for a rogue IRGC commander and unit, would not launch a first strike.

However, containment demands we have an understanding of who controls and has custody over a nuclear arsenal, which we did with the Soviets, but we would probably never have with Iran, nor a hot line to the definitive Iranian authority.

My second issue is that a nuclear backed Soviet Union felt secure enough they wouldn't face direct consequences from us that they challenged the U.S. through proxies, which given Iran's history to date in Afghanistan, Lebanon, Iraq, and maybe Palestine, a nuclear Iran would feel even bolder to ratchet-up this activity, to the possibility of limited conventional intervention (which they have on a limited basis despite some individuals' claiming otherwise).

Now having mentioned the aforementioned concerns of mine, let me say I am not opposed to containment. But, in order to credibly - credibly in the eyes of Tehran: the U.S. would have to spend a great deal of resource and treasure - resource and treasure we may not actually have, along with bringing Gulf allies on board, to include long term basing in countries, countries whose governments are seen as illegitimate by their citizens (the Turkey issue?) to keep pressure on Iran (oh yea, it is also sure bet, other ME states would go nuclear as a result of Iran presenting themselves as having a nuclear weapon under the guise of deterrence - again, the issue of command-and-control?).

Can we do what is necessary to contain Iran? Maybe (though our recent experience in Iraq has made us look a bit more vulnerable), but will we? And let’s never forget about the mitigating factor of have the necessary help from the EU, China, and your favorite Russians, who secretly delight in seeing our fixation with what George Marshall called “theateritis" (I think he said that?) and our resources stretched (don’t forget the Soviet Union’s economy imploded in part, because of their military expenditure).

What is my solution? Iran thinks they need nuclear deterrence against Israel and the U.S. Without presenting Israel and the U.S. as nuclear antagonists, the Iranian clergy and their IRGC henchmen have no power. Our nuclear arsenal is a given. But Israel's remains a state secret. The U.S. should find the moral courage to go against the historical grain of the Jewish lobby and require Israel to sign-on to the NPT, thereby taking their nuclear ambiguity out of the equation, which would take some of the wind out of sails of Tehran's rhetoric which fuels Israels concerns and thus ours, specifically among the neo-con crowd.

 

WALKING WOUNDED

11:33 PM ET

November 15, 2010

regional nuclear opacity

Good points, T. Containment isn't a first choice policy, if the genie can be kept bottled. And I would never gainsay a US Marine's righteous grudge against the Iranian Revolution.

As you say, relative superpower parity didn't stop the proxy wars in the Med, Asia, Africa, and Latin America. A Bomb trumps external invasion or conquest, but doesn't guarantee against foreign attack on peripheral interests, or even the internal survival of a regime.

Whatever Iran does with their enriched-U, Arabia and Turkey are planning to match. Which is to say proliferation programs are ongoing in both security states, and dreams being dreamt in Egypt.

How is it possible to prevent the reach for nuclear military sovereignty by moslem states much larger and/or richer than Israel? 'Nuclear opacity' has protected the Dimona project from US NPT sanctions so far, but the diplomatic loin-cloth covering their Bomb is getting a bit threadbare and careworn.

 

WALKING WOUNDED

11:49 PM ET

November 15, 2010

Dimona, the Shah, Riyadh (and Washington)

Re Israel and NPT. Lifting the veil on Team Perez is bound to be contentious.

There is credible talk that Israel has traded on their nuclear secrets, first partnering with France, then with India, apartheid S. Africa, and even a joint missile development project that figured into the Shah's ambitious nuclear persian plans.

It's also likely that a lot of US personalities, including our current SecDef, know that the US security state knew about some of this, and looked the other way. Get's messy, and violates the magician's creed to never wise up the marks

I don't have a cite at hand, but I'm pretty sure that the Saudi's have stated that if Israel declares their nuclear capability (as some on the Israeli right have advocated) then Arabia will go nuclear. Which I take to mean that they're already there, in all but name, as part owners of the IRPak program.

 

JEFFR

3:00 PM ET

November 16, 2010

Credibility...

I agree in the importance of having clear command and control of the weapons is a necessary requisite to being able to have a containment policy, but I think there's something else missing from the discussion. Colby states that for containment (or what seems in this case to be more deterrence) is "A regime whose behavior can be substantially influenced by credible threats..." and a "threat is backed by real capability and will."

In the rest of the piece, Colby fails to demonstrate that any threat by the US or Israel to Iran would be seen as credible and backed by the will to implement it. Even if its conceded that Iran is fully rational and that the command and control exists for a comprehensive deterrence policy, if Iran doesn't believe that the US will act, the policy is empty.

So far the US has drawn 'red line' after line on Iran - don't start a nuclear program, don't enrich to a given level, don't enrich above an amount to that level, etc. In response there have been sanctions, which while not for naught, aren't so biting that Iran is falling to its knees. Political will to engage militarily doesn't appear too strong from the Iranian perspective.

 

WALKING WOUNDED

7:06 PM ET

November 16, 2010

credible deterrent threat

We come full circle here, and have to keep the 'options' talk tied to specifics, name the sort of targets, and specify the proximity and nature of threat that justifies the threat now, and the attack when we launch it.

Preemptive strike or retaliation is years in the future, presumes offensive Iranian capability which by all intel today doesn't exist. We can't claim existential pre-emption against something that doesn't exist. In war-law context, the word pre-emption can't cover major lethal action 'disarming' distant future threats. Only a preemption of an imminent and growing threat is the sort of 'option on the table' that can claim a just war casus belli. We can't demand that our gov't rhetoric and behavior assert the credibility to just shoot first and ask questions later.

What the neo-hawks are advocating IS a war of choice, a punitive attack on nuclear facilities, scattering and incinerating tons of super-toxic stuff, so that it can't be mined from the rubble. Not even at a few hundred (HEU) parts per million. Conducting such an readioligical attack is totally without precedent, and would properly be regarded as an indiscriminate dirty bombing, a WMD crime against humanity under international law of war. Here again, the term 'indiscriminate' is used properly, in a 'law of war' context. Even criminal negligence is implied in the scenario. Indiscriminate negligent wars are not things best allies in a special relationship should be egging each other into.

Credibly threatening a strike on Iranian nuclear facilities, while our countries are 'at peace', is itself an aggressive act, the international equivalent of simple assault. Which raises the question, is Iran really at peace with Israel and the US, and vice versa? It's more of a cold war bounded by brush-fire proxy fights, isn't it?

 

ZATHRAS

4:49 PM ET

November 12, 2010

Another Multi-Point List

It's not hard to see why a list like Mr. Colby's wouldn't reassure people concerned about Iran's pursuit of a nuclear capability.

Every one of its points, plus the potential rewards of getting out from under economic sanctions, would support the idea that Iran's government could be deterred from seeking a nuclear capability. That idea, evidently, is wrong. This renders earnest chin-stroking about the practicality and hard work involved in deterring Iran's government from creating a situation in which one of its nukes might go off notably less persuasive.

The alternative to skepticism about deterrence, which after all has worked in the past with the aid of considerable good luck, is not panic over Iran's nuclear program, which I take to be the Israeli position (to be more specific, it seems to me as if the Netanyahu government's position is that the United States should panic about Iran's nuclear program). There is however a little too much taking for granted here that deterrence is a sure thing, if only we follow the steps prescribed by deterrence theory. There should be, and I believe their are, other ways of influencing Iran's trajectory, outside the confines of the Iranian nuclear program itself.

 

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8:39 PM ET

November 12, 2010

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ONEUNSTUCKINTIME

1:52 AM ET

November 21, 2010

Don't Cry Racist When I Say This, But...

We all know that Isreal's deep-seeded involvement with the US business and political stages will not allow any President in the near future the adherence to rationality that would allow them to suggest Isreal follow the Nuclear Rules.

 

ONEUNSTUCKINTIME

1:52 AM ET

November 21, 2010

Don't Cry Racist When I Say This, But...

We all know that Isreal's deep-seeded involvement with the US business and political stages will not allow any President in the near future the adherence to rationality that would allow them to suggest Isreal follow the Nuclear Rules.

 

ONEUNSTUCKINTIME

2:08 AM ET

November 21, 2010

Damnit

Shut up, me.

 

Thomas E. Ricks covered the U.S. military for the Washington Post from 2000 through 2008.

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