It's a fact, Jack: Only two people have appeared in all three of my non-fiction books (for the slow ones in the back row, that's Making the Corps, Fiasco and The Gamble). Both these men are thoughtful, innovative, articulate Marine infantry officers who fought in Vietnam but rose to influence later. One is Gen. Anthony Zinni, now retired. The other is Col. Gary Anderson, also retired, who just got back from his a year-long tour working for the State Department in Iraq. Gravelly voiced Gary has been prescient about Iraq in the past-he actually publicly predicted the insurgency, in a piece he wrote for the Washington Post that was published just before the fall of Baghdad. To my knowledge, he was the first person to do so.

Here is his take on the current situation: 

By Col. Gary Anderson, USMC (Ret.)
Best Defense
western Baghdad bureau chief

One of the problems with asking questions in Iraq, is that you get answers that are usually in the form of questions, usually followed by a sermon. One day last month, I was having a glass of tea with a shopkeeper in Khan Dari, a small town in the Abu Ghraib district of Iraq's Baghdad Province. It is the actual site of the infamous Abu Ghraib prison -- which since it became world-famous has been renamed. My friend fought in the Iran-Iraq War as an infantryman under the Saddam Hussein regime. The main objective of my visit was to ask him if he intended to vote in the upcoming March 7th election.

When I finally got around to asking the question, he looked me in the eye and asked, rather dryly, "How does it feel to have fought for seven years so Iran can take over Iraq?" This was followed by a litany of complaints regarding corruption in the administration of Prime Minister Maliki, and by his belief that all of Iraq's politicians are crooks and incompetents. When he finished his tirade, I reminded him that he had not answered my question. "Of course I'll vote," he said, "how could I not?" My friend, by the way, is a Shiite.

He was less circumspect than most, but his answer was typical of the over 200 people that I polled in the three months leading up to my departure from Iraq in mid-February. The vast majority of the respondents to my question said they would vote, but then alleged that the vote will be rigged by Iran and its stooges in Maliki's government.  This was true of Sunnis and Shiites alike. Even though I never asked who they would vote for, about a third volunteered anyway. Several went on to say that their entire neighborhood would vote for the Allawi bloc (the main challenger's alliance), but were fully expecting that once the votes were counted, they would find out that they had "overwhelmingly" endorsed Maliki's crowd. None of those respondents volunteered that he was voting for the Maliki ticket.

Why vote then? Most voter registration in Iraq is tied to ration cards, and there is a feeling among many that they will somehow be punished for not voting by a reduction in their ration allocation; this is an interesting alternative to an appeal to civic virtue. Almost all of the Iraqis I know think that a return to strong man rule is inevitable, and most hope that that dictatorship will not be preceded by civil war. Some openly hope for a military coup. The Iraqi Army is the most trusted element in society, and it is nationalistic. One Sheikh volunteered that there will not be enough piano wire in Iraq to hang Chalabi and his Iranian traitor friends when the army takes over. Ahmed Chalabi is a pro-Iranian legislator who recently led a committee that disbarred over 500 Sunni and Shiite candidates from the election on the grounds that they are former members of the Baath Party. My Iraqi acquaintances are quick to point out that that the other thing the disbarred candidates have in common is that they are anti-Iranian nationalists. Chalabi's last gig was as an American agent who gave us much of the false evidence that led us to war in 2003. As one nationalist Iraqi army officer friend commented to me, "he betrayed you once --- and us twice."

The precedent is being set for sham elections in the future. Maliki has used the Iranian ploy of getting rid of candidates who might threaten him. He has also shut down bars and nightclubs as a sop to his most conservative Shiite supporters, and he is encouraging the Iraqi Army chain of command to urge soldiers to vote for him. The disgusting images of atrocities committed by Sunni extremists shown on Iraqi television by far-right Shiite parties would make an American snuff film producer wince. These ads are clearly designed to re-ignite sectarian passions.

We Americans want an election in Iraq badly, and we are going to get an election ... badly. So what do we do about it? This election, and American support for it, reminds me of an old "Our Gang" movie short from the ‘30s in which Spanky and his friends decide to put on a play and, by gosh, there will be a play, no matter how awful.

There is enough slime collecting for us to repudiate the election and encourage the UN to join us in doing so. We should work for a new  election preceded by a vetting of the disbarred candidates by an impartial foreign third party group with a simultaneous investigation of Chalabi and his cronies for potentially treasonous activities. These actions would go a long way toward building some faith the electoral process which is now missing in Iraq.

Barring radical U.S. and foreign disapproval of this electoral travesty, Iraq is on its way to coup, civil war, and one man rule -- and perhaps all three. The only winner in the current Iraqi electoral situation is Iran.

Gary Anderson is a retired Marine Corps colonel. He recently left the State Department after completing a year-long tour in Iraq as the Governance Advisor with an embedded Provincial Reconstruction Team

Tom again: Also, good old Juan Cole offers a good roundup of the latest pre-election allegations of fraud and pre-emptive arrests. Meanwhile, young Steve Myers of the New York Times reports that Maliki's path has become "increasingly uncertain, his campaign erratic and, to some, deeply troubling." And the always interesting Reidar Visser comments, "We are barely a week away from the 7 March parliamentary elections in Iraq, but the electoral campaign just does not seem to be going anywhere useful."

EXPLORE:MIDDLE EAST, IRAN, IRAQ
 
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STEVE358

8:16 PM ET

March 1, 2010

Far be it from me to

Far be it from me to challenge Gary's political conclusion on the national election, but the essence of Iraq's stability is not in all these political actors dancing on the stage.

Like anywhere, it is the technocrats and bureaucrats that make things run. Until somebody becomes the party of "making things run," they will all be passersby.

The elections may or may not speak, but the people will.

I don't really disagree with your take on staying in Iraq, but about who is staying. Post-conflict, we should substitute, on a one to ten ratio, the number of boring, mundane technocrats, engineers and service folks to continue to help get things running. Maybe 25,000 troops, and 2,500 technocrats.

For that, we would leave a lasting legacy, positive results, effective connections, and trade and business relations.

The technocrats are the future---it is not about Governance, but governing (at the fix-a-pothole level).

Steve

 

WALKING WOUNDED

10:28 PM ET

March 1, 2010

Interesting points, Steve

One of the durable problems covered in news and combat accounts has been trash pickup in Baghdad. One story was that the insurgents needed a cluttered field to cover their IED mining operations, and threatened to kill trash collectors. Another version was that collection was limited to those who paid mordida to whatever gang controlled the neighborhood, so any brief US effort at curbside cleanup was doomed by the local godfather.

Either way, trash handling that requires bomb recognition expertise seems like a short career path, and a tough industry. Maybe we should have contracted with Waste Mgt, instead of KBR.

Nothing in the former colonel's account convinces me that Maliki is going to see it Tom's way and agree to any slow-down in getting US guns and operators out of the way of his ambition. In Iraqi eyes, we delivered a chaotic rule of the majority. Certainly not protection of minorities and individual rights.

Let's say the colonel gets his wish and State induces the UN to help DQ the current election, on the suspicion of a fixed contest. Maliki's coalition is still the sitting gov't. Follow up with street protests, some kind of color revolt? A fair bet is that the E. Baghdad masses would mobilize, the mullocracy accurately declaring the delay to be a US device to extend our troop presence, and the remaining Baghdad middle class and Sunnis would be drowned out.

Alternately the 'national army', which lacks enough infrastructure to write paychecks to it's troops, executes a coup? Such a move could shatter the ISFs, requiring us to take sides in a civil war and root out units reverting to militia ops and dependant on pay from Iran. Iran has got better situational awareness, operators in place who know how to work the street rumint and take advantage of opposition disunity.

Any new election or adjusted troop deployment plan we come up with, the Iranians are probably better positioned to game it than we are. The heart of hubris is the belief that we get to control events that exceed our reach. In the end, Iran's mullocracy may fall prey to the same fallacy.

 

TYRTAIOS

10:41 PM ET

March 1, 2010

Even further for me - sort of

Just a thought STEVE358: dictators or strongmen if you prefer, have this inordinate ability to emerge and harness the expertise of technocrats - technocrats do so love to be harnessed!

In addition, under the surface Grand Ayatollah al-Sistani, though somewhat reclusive, wields considerable political power, and I take note that there hasn't been more mention of him.

 

STEVE358

1:10 AM ET

March 2, 2010

The Grand Ayatollah is one of

The Grand Ayatollah is one of the many factors that people forget when playing "what ifs" about Iraq. Not that he speaks often (which is why he carries such clout), but does not speak for Mullahcracies, and probably would accept neither an Iranian takeover, nor a military coup. What do you do with that facet?

True that technocrats are, perhaps, as dangerous as the military in a fragile state, but Iraq depends on complex infrastructure, and even more complex social systems. No progress can be made toward stabilizing a middle class (the bulwark against tyrany) until systems begin to function.

It's just the way it is.

Our gang, in my opinion, spends too much time focused on Big Game Governance, and not enough on practical governing, and the strategic patience to effectively assist/engage these countries. And to much domestic attention on troop positioning.

Who cares how many soldiers we have in Iraq, if they are confined to bases? Any Iraqi leader who called them back in would be dead within a year. (Iraq's history). And the more we look like we are meddling, the more we encourage opposition to the US. (It is an immutable feedback loop.) We have to get out of their way on these Big issues, to allow it to play out.

So, we do little effectively while we are there, and they are glad to see they back of us. To me, that is a problem.

Steve

 

BILL KELLER

1:31 AM ET

March 2, 2010

A quote that says it all.

"......and American support for it, reminds me of an old "Our Gang" movie short from the ‘30s in which Spanky and his friends decide to put on a play and, by gosh, there will be a play, no matter how awful."

...with the openning drum beat and false scares, to shock and awe, tortures gulags, Yalta agreements to replace civil conventions, campaigns and surges, stained fingers or hearts in quiet intervals and civil blood baths til final draw down. All things large and small in a grind of a crucible while a few who promoted it do quite well.

And hundreds of thousands disappear in a chorus of silenced voices from the play's cast who met their god in an eternal darkness where even mullahs fear to speak.

We ask for it to continue just a few more years. To find our ethics maybe?

Well framed, Colonel Anderson.

 

STEVE358

3:39 AM ET

March 2, 2010

Spanky and Our Gang

Bill:

The perfect end.

Steve

 

BILL KELLER

10:35 AM ET

March 2, 2010

If it could be otherwise..

but that would be heading the Sirens' call.

Thank you, Bill

 

JWING

4:38 AM ET

March 2, 2010

Iraqis and elections

There is plenty of cynicism amongst Iraqis leading up to this year's vote. This is the third time they are voting for a parliament and in terms of governance nothing much has changed. Talking about Iranians and cheating are common, but this year's vote isn't going to be much different from previous elections. Iraq actually has tons and tons of voting monitors and there has never been evidence of large cheating. The Iranians, along with the Saudis, the Kuwaitis, the Turks, etc. are all giving money, which isn't illegal by the way under Iraqi law. Candidates are handing out clothing and cash to try to buy votes. This is what Iraqi elections are like.

As for a strong man, that's another theme people like to talk about, which is again tied to the dysfunctional government that Iraq has. A single person promising to get the trains running on time appeals to some who look at the chaos that has engulfed the country since the 2003 invasion. At the same time it seems very unlikely right now. Maliki for example, may not even return as prime minister. I don't think the Iraqi military is institutionalized and together enough right now to pull off a coup either.

Basically, Iraqis will complain about their government, and political parties are attempting to create patronage systems to win over voters, and this is what Iraqi politics are like, and that's a lot like other developing countries.

 

NBWOODYAL

12:15 PM ET

March 2, 2010

thank you for not using an enormous photo

I know this has nothing to do with the article at hand, but I do want to thank you for not using the standard enormous picture at the top of the article.

Thank you... sincerely.

And keep up the good foreign policy work.

 

Thomas E. Ricks covered the U.S. military for the Washington Post from 2000 through 2008.

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