Tuesday, May 5, 2009 - 2:12 PM

Michele Flournoy, the second most powerful person at the Pentagon nowadays, gave a fascinating talk to Army officers yesterday, and I am not saying that just because she used to be at the think tank were I hang my hat, CNAS.
She likes the rule of law. "The United States must exemplify respect for the rule of law. We have to stop invoking American exceptionalism and return to our historical role as champion of the rule of law both domestically and internationally." Nice idea, but I am not sure how get we from here -- where torture was made national policy -- to there. There is a lot of "do whatever it takes" disrespect for law embedded in the last seven years of American history that the administration doesn't seem very interested in cleaning up.
She also is hot to trot for multilateralism. I think the test of this will be the first time we do something unpopular at home because our allies really really really (as my daughter would say) want us to. I don't know what that might be. Maybe sign up to the International War Crimes Tribunal?
She has an interesting take on "the commons," and the role the U.S. military should play in policing it. "We see increasing tensions in the global commons: the sea, space, cyberspace and so forth. These are really the connective tissue of the international system and of our global society. And we must ensure access to these shared resources remains open." Are you listening, Navy and Air Force?
She also gives a big shoutout to the Hoffman/Mattis school of "hybrid warfare" (no, it is not about armoring up your Prius). "We need new competencies, but we can't afford to lose the old ones."
One Army colonel posed an interesting question: Okay, what would you call this strategy? It's a good question. Flournoy didn't have an answer, and neither do I. Basically, it sounds like a plan for a mature national security policy.
I expect Robert Gates to step down as defense secretary about a year from now. Might he be succeeded by Ms. Flournoy?
TIM SLOAN/AFP/Getty Images
Having written a great deal about Grand Strategy at CNAS, it isn't surprising to hear the OSD's Policy Chief talking about it in her current role. I am much more interested in someone who cares about the content of the strategy than what we call it.
This isn't a strategy. Rule of law, multilateralism and hybrid warfare? Multilateralism is supposed to be a means to an end - not the end itself. The bottom line is still supposed to be America's national interest.
And if we sign up for the ICC, say, over the objections of the majority of the American people, how is that not putting the desires of other countries above the interests of the people you represent? Should we be getting something in return for this multilaterlism? Maybe some support in Afghanistan? Obama has gone around the world apologizing endlessly for America, bowing to the Saudi king, yucking it up with Chavez after Chavez give4s him a book about imperialist Yanquis, offering to "reset" relations with Russia (who has been laughing all the way to the bank for the last 3 months) and guaranteeing that we'll be good friends in the future, and he gets 35 Belgians for Afghanistan in return? Seems to me our cost/benefit ratios are way off kilter.
You can also believe in American exceptionalism and still accept the exceptional responsibility America has in how it acts, including on the rule of law. In fact, the earliest believers of American exceptionalism - the Puritans - made this point in a more generic sense - the sort of "to whom much is given, much is expected" Peter Parker rule.
Consider Winthrop's Model of Christian Charity:
"We must consider that we shall be as a City upon a Hill, the eyes of all people are upon us; so that if we shall deal falsely with our God in this work we have undertaken and so cause him to withdraw his present help from us...we shall shame the faces of many of God's worthy servants, and cause their prayers to be turned into curses upon us till we be consumed out of the good land whether we are going."
or Peter Bulkeley:
"And thou, New England, which art exalted in priveleges of the Gospel above many other people, know thou the time of thy visitation, and consider the great things the Lord hath done for thee...The more thou hast committed unto thee, the more thou must account for. No people's account will be heavier than thine, if thou do not walk worthier of the means of they salvation. The Lord looks for more from thee, than from other people."
You can strip away all the religious language if you want, but the point is still the same. Americans, and America, have a responsibility. Throughout history, those who have pushed American exceptionalism have also made note of this very same responsibility.
Last week, I think at a CSIS event, Flournoy made a big deal about how ideology would not play a role in our defense policy. The fact that she even made that comment, and her other comments, however, prove this to be a load of hooey.
Vague IR-speak wows the brass? Well, ok...
Sounds like well-rehearsed academic cant one hears in a first-year IR survey to me. But if it floats the big brass boat, great I guess.
You could even say it was thinking this before. See the Oct 07 Maritime Strategy (co-signed with the Marines and Coast Guard). http://www.navy.mil/maritime/MaritimeStrategy.pdf
Not a perfect document by any means, and it has its critics for it being too high-level and not specific enough about things like numbers of ships, etc., but the thinking behind it and behind some of Flournoy's statements seem to be in alignment. Not saying one begat the other; just that the parallels are interesting.
If the Navy is listening, why does it seem to sleepy about policing the commons? Somali pirates must be pretty easy compared to most problems, but all I heard for weeks was how the Navy lacked the special ops people to do it, and that if you captured pirates we wouldn't know what to do with them anyway.
Thanks,
Tom
Tom,
Both issues you raise are not pure Navy decisions or issues. Navy special forces are in very high demand (think Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq) and the Navy itself doesn't decide where to send them -- SOCOM and JSOC recommend allocations and it is likely something that is decided in or with substantial input from the JS and/or OSD. Some may think we'd rather have those highly trained folks hunting Taliban or AQ. Even if SEALs are on board ships in and around Somalia, the decisions on ROE are made a higher levels and in consultation with ship owners, leasers, insurance companies, etc. Despite some grousing and silliness I've read on line, it does not appear that ROE has changed at all from the previous administration. If you listen to the excellent NPR story on the pirate business model from the other day, you'll hear that ship owners/insurers are largely happier with non-military solutions. The navies out there have to respect some of that, and the governments who work with the commercial sector tell the navies what to do.
What the U.S. does with pirates once captured is a broader political/legal issue decided upon in the interagency. State, OSD, NSC, Justice are all involved as well as service lawyers. The "solutions" require the US as a whole to step up and set up domestic legislation to allow us to put the pirates on trial (what we are doing with the one left alive after the Maersk Alabama incident) or get another country to accept the pirates and subject them to justice (a diplomatic issue which the government of Kenya has agreed to do in limited circumstances).
Within those boundaries, the Navy itself has deployed a substantial number of ships and aircraft, adjusted and adopted new tactics/techniques and procedures, helped set up and command a CTF that coordinates with other Navies, and provided ideas up to the regional combatant commanders and the interagency on ways to go about combating the pirates. I'd argue that isn't "sleepy."
(6)
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