Topping off our all-guest-column Thursday, here's the news
from Yemen.
By Sorina Ioana Crisan
Best Defense bureau of Yemeni affairs
Tawakkol Karman, founder of Women
Journalists Without Chains and avid leader of the Yemen uprising, started
the dialogue on the future of Yemen by first thanking the United States
Institute of Peace (USIP) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI) for
organizing a live video-conference that allows the "revolutionary voices" to be
heard in Washington, D.C.
Karman
described the current situation in Yemen as a consequence of the fact that "our
parties arrived at a deadlock when it came to reforming the regime…[Hence], the only solution was to depose the regime."
The
anti-government protests, fiercely supported by the youth, united Yemen to see
that that "there is a common problem that transcends all problems," said Shadi
Khosruf, spokesperson for the committee tasked with drafting the Youth
Revolution Document. Khosruf further argued that this "is the first time that
one can see cohesiveness among tribes, political parties, and the rest."
How
will the transition occur? Mohammed Qattan, Head of the Executive Council of
the Yemeni Congregation for Reform (Islah) and current spokesman for the Joint
Meeting Parties, initially offered a brief answer: "the mediation terms were
started by the U.S. ambassador to the region." When asked the question again,
Qattan said that President Saleh needs to give all power to the Vice-President,
who should then achieve two major goals: (1) determine the role of the
government (i.e.: accept or change the status-quo) and (2) facilitate a
dialogue between all the existing parties, with the exception of terrorist
groups such as al Qaeda, and ultimately help draft a "roadmap" to creating a
new civic state that will be supported by the international community.
With
many members of the General People's Congress (GPC) having already joined the
revolution, Sheich Mohammed Abu Lahoum, former head of the Foreign Relations
Department of the GPC and founding member of a new political party, believes
that "there will not be a problem for all parties to work together. A new Yemen
will be a good partner. It cannot be as bad as it has been in the past. We will
see a stable country that will assure all international partners that a new
Yemen will be a safe nation." To achieve this state, more pressure needs to be
placed on President Ali Abdullah Saleh. "The sooner he leaves, the better it
will be for him and for Yemen," argued Lahoum.
Overall,
Qattan and Lahoum chose to focus their remarks on the idea that a new Yemen
will have a brighter future, as it will benefit from better relations with the
West. Karman and Khosruf focused more on the domestic level. In their view, the
end of the current regime will lead to the creation of a government that will
no longer exclude the youth nor any other Yemeni groups. Furthermore, the
latter believe that President Saleh should be pressured to resign through
sanctions imposed by the international community (i.e., freeze all presidential
assets accumulated while in office). "We need your help and assistance in
building this new state," concluded Karman.
If
the Yemen uprising brings to the resignation of President Saleh and the
creation of a new government, it is unclear whether the youth groups will be
satisfied or disappointed when they will see some of the old political figures
still in power. How much does one differentiate between the President Saleh,
his regime, and members of the current leading party?
Sorina Ioana Crisan is a former CNAS intern who is now starting a
website intended to facilitate communication between graduate students at
different universities, starting in the field of international relations.
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