Come hear Marc Lynch talk about his new book on the Arab Uprising, then stay and have a glass of wine with your habibis whilst you get your copy signed. But you have to register first. 

By Zygmunt F. Dembek and Dean Cheng

Best Defense department of revolutionary affairs

This list is an attempt to compile the readings that provide insight into the philosophies and tactics of our enemies, past, present, and perhaps future. It is surprising that few of these books are required reading for those who aspire to be our nation's military and political leaders.

In no uncertain order:

My War with the CIA by Norodom Sihanouk and Wilfred Burchett:

Cambodian crown Prince Sihanouk describes his years of struggle in fighting U.S. government covert and not-so-covert operations, with assistance from neighboring countries, including China.

Ho Chi Minh: A Life by William Duiker:

The definitive biography of the son of a civil servant, and founder of the Vietnamese Communist party, who became president of North Vietnam.  His 30 years in exile, and 50 year struggle to liberate Vietnam, are described. [Not sure I'd include biographies (as opposed to autobiographies), for this list. Which isn't to say that this isn't worth reading!]

Guerilla Warfare by Ernesto "Che" Guevara:

This 1960 treatise provides tremendous insight into a Latin American revolutionary's methods for overthrowing dictatorships (and democracies) by a small determined groups of guerilla fighters.

How We Won the War by General Vo Nguyen Giap:

North Vietnam's top military strategist describes how victory from occupying forces was won, from the founding of the Army in 1944 to the departure of the U.S. in 1975.

On Guerilla Warfare by Mao Tse Tung:

Mao's textbook on guerilla warfare is the result of his fighting the Japanese in China, and is a timeless reference to the organization and conduct of a successful guerilla campaign.

The Triple Agent: The Al Qaeda Mole Who Infiltrated the CIA by Joby Warrick:

A well-researched description of how the Jordanian double-agent Humam Khalil al-Balawi, while promising to help the CIA assassinate Osama bin Laden's top deputy, became a suicide bomber, killing seven CIA operatives, the agency's worst loss of life in decades.

Balik Terrorism: The Return of the Abu Sayyaf  by Zachary Abuza:

A technical treatise that provides great insight into the origins, organization, and operations of a primary terrorist group opposing the Philippine government. This writing can be obtained as a free download from the Army's Strategic Studies Institute.

Street Without Joy by Bernard Fall:

The 1961 classic about the hubris and blunders of French forces in Vietnam, leading to the fall of Dien Bien Phu in 1954. An epic book in many dimensions, the most important of which may be its omission from the readings of American military leaders during the 1960's and 1970's, facilitating a repeat of history.

Surrender to Kindness: One Man's Epic Journey for Love and Peace by Joseph David Osman:

Wisdom acquired by first-hand experience and shared by an Afghan-American on how to actually win "hearts and minds" in Afghanistan.  Personally recommended by those who know Osman and of his work.

Commander of the Faithful: The Life and Time of Emir Abd el-Kader by John W. Kiser:

A thoroughly researched book on the life and tactics of a Muslim military leader who fought the French occupying forces in Algeria during the 19^th century, and won their respect.

The Science of Military Strategy, edited by Peng Guangqian and Ya Youzhi of the Chinese Academy of Military Science:

Translation (in 2005) of a Chinese military textbook published in 2001. It provides a distinctly Chinese view of concepts such as deterrence and military strategy.

The Quranic Concept of War by S.K. Malik:

One Muslim perspective on war in the context of Quranic teachings.

Col. Zygmunt F. Dembek, Ph.D. (US Army Reserve,  Ret.)  is a senior scientist at the Center for Disaster and Humanitarian Assistance Medicine (CDHAM) at the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences (USUHS). Dean Cheng is the research fellow for Chinese Political and Security Affairs at the Heritage Foundation. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. Government, nor of the Heritage Foundation, nor even, perhaps, those of  Dennis "Oil Can" Boyd. Any reproduction of this broadcast without the express written consent of the Major League Best Defense is forbidden.

With so much going on, Bahrain has been off the radar screen for many Americans, including this blog, unfortunately. To make amends for that neglect, here is a good report, and below is a column from a citizen of Bahrain.

By "a Bahraini"
Best Defense guest columnist

While the worst of the surge of brutality that lasted from March 15-23 has ended, the nightmare of living under the "State of National Safety" has only just begun, for every Bahraini who called for accountability, a representative parliament and an end to corruption.

As of March 31, 26 Bahrainis have been killed, one of whom was 15 years of age; 304 have been arrested, including 11 women; and 24 activists remain missing. These numbers conceal the real tragedy of a population paralyzed by fear, at the mercy of masked gunmen and riot police that man the many checkpoints and have a license to kill; and humiliated on a daily basis by state-owned television channels intent on "purging" and "cleansing" the island of its "traitors, trained by foreign elements." Many of the Bahrainis who are being targeted were active in the Pearl Square events and activities -- poets, artists, protest organizers and bloggers. Every night, houses and cars parked in the besieged villages are ransacked, and individuals detained overnight and/or arrested. Medical personnel who tried to help the injured during the crackdown have themselves been arrested, beaten and intimidated. Any Bahraini brave enough to venture through the checkpoints at the gate of the main Salmaniya Hospital with "protest-related" injuries -- from live ammunition, rubber bullets, tear gas inhalation -- is taken away to the Defense Force hospital. Such is the fear that even patients with regular ailments now avoid the hospital: whereas the average daily patient intake was around 1,000 before the crackdown, under the new military management, the daily intake has dropped to around 250 patients. Bahraini workers who went on strike before the crackdown -- at the aluminum plant, the refinery and schools- have been dismissed, and members of the teachers' union, who organized the school strike, have been arrested.

Read on

By J. Dana Stuster
Best Defense Not-So-Felix Arabia bureau chief

"Yemen is not a surprise," former National Security Advisor Gen. Jim Jones, USMC (Ret.) began by saying at a recent panel discussion on "Yemen: The Next Egypt?" "As a matter of fact, what it is is not yet completely defined." On the brink of a potential coup, this remains true, and likely will for weeks or months to come.

Here in Washington, there are two major concerns about Yemen today: the ongoing threat from Yemen-based al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and the governance of the embattled Gulf state. Yemen' s president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, has been the United States' ambivalent ally in combating AQAP, but his regime is collapsing under pressure from a popular opposition movement that has gained momentum from Saleh' s efforts to suppress it.

At the seminar, held by the Bipartisan Policy Center on March 1, Thomas Krajeski, senior vice president of the National Defense University and a former U.S. ambassador to Yemen, gave Saleh 50/50 odds of finishing his term, which has two years remaining before he has pledged to step down. Now, three weeks later, it is questionable whether Saleh' s term will extend through the end of this week. Since a violent assault on protesters in the capital on Friday, in which snipers shot at protesters from rooftops, leaving 52 dead as of Monday, Saleh' s government has been decimated by high-level defections. Most notable have been announcements from the leader of the nation' s largest tribal federation and the premier general in the Yemen Armed Forces that they have joined the opposition movement. Saleh has declared a state of emergency and the still-loyal Republican Guard, commanded by Saleh's son, have deployed tanks in the streets of Sanaa.

Washington' s concerns are linked. For the past decade, since the attack against the USS Cole at Aden in 2000, Saleh has been a reluctant ally in the war against al Qaeda. This commitment has been reaffirmed over the past couple years, since al Qaeda' s Gulf affiliates consolidated to form AQAP and began attempting a new spate of attacks, including the failed assassination of the Saudi head of counterterrorism, the "underwear bombing" plot, and most recently, the October 2010 attempt to detonate parcel bombs disguised as printer cartridges.

Read on

When it comes to Libya, I have been struck by the vehemence of views on both sides of the discussion in Washington. When Americans are so confused, it can't hurt to help someone from the region what they think. So I asked my friend Yasser El-Shimy, a former Egyptian diplomat now teaching in the United States, for his opinion. See if you can guess what he advocates:

By Yasser El-Shimy
Best Defense Maghreb bureau

Despite what American generals and defense officials have been telling us, Libya is not Lebanon (1982), Somalia (1992) or even Iraq (2003). The common concern voiced against U.S. participation in imposing a no-fly zone over Libya is the fear of "mission creep." The concern is legitimate, but it does betray a lack of understanding of the situation in Libya. Unlike previous American military interventions, the local population in this case is quite willing to carry out the hard task of ground confrontations. Washington could help oust one of the most repressive autocratic regimes in the world without sending a single soldier to the battlefield. The Libyan rebels in Benghazi, Tobruk, Misrata and other liberated cities are ready and willing to fight Qaddafi's forces, when they are supplied with weapons that can match Qaddafi's. What is more, given the personality cult that is Qaddafi's regime, if an airstrike could target him (and his inner circle), the regime would collapse before the dust has even settled.

Another common objection raised against intervention is the potential terrorist ties some of the rebels might have. Whilst we have no method of ascertaining every rebel's affiliation at this point, we know that a lingering civil conflict in Libya (certain to happen if Qaddafi clings to power) would create ample ground for radicalization and extremist recruitment. Al Qaeda in Maghreb (AQM) would surely exploit the deep resentment and grievances among the revenge-seeking population. Leading an international mission to save civilian lives, and help moderate figures come to power may well help prevent this scenario from taking place. Under no circumstances, however, should U.S. or international troops have a mission on the ground, as this may turn Libyan society on itself, and may become a quagmire akin to Afghanistan's.

The world needs to understand what is at stake in Libya. First, although hundreds, if not thousands, of civilians have perished at the hands of Qaddafi's brigades and mercenaries so far, these numbers would pale in comparison with the expected massacres, should Qaddafi be allowed to prevail. The Tripoli-trenched dictator would exact ruthless retribution against Eastern Libyans for what he views as their treason. Qaddafi has already promised to "cleanse Libya house by house." If the world decided to stand by while the unfair fight rages on now, they must be prepared to witness acts amounting to genocide on the sidelines later. An intervention then would be far more costly than it would be now, and unlikely to succeed.

Read on

France's recognition today of the rebels as the legitimate government of Libya opens the door for NATO intervening in the civil war, I think.

That's not a bad thing. As I said the other day, there comes a point when action is necessary. I was worried that we would not move until there was a mass slaughter-and that might come too late.

But that emphatically does not mean that NATO should instantly move to a no-fly zone. Rather, there are a series of steps short of that to consider first. The point of departure should be that there are millions of Libyans willing to fight for their freedom. Let's first try to figure out how to help them. Here are the eight steps to take, in order:

--Supply anti-tank weapons, as soon as possible. Rocket-propelled grenades are not that hard to fire, once you know not to fire them from inside a room. They also can take down helicopters.

--Indeed, the biggest air threat presented by Qaddafi's forces comes not from fighter aircraft but from helicopters, which are harder to deal with in a no-fly zone, because they can take off and land anywhere. But giving the rebels a few RPGs, plus some .50 caliber machine guns, or their East Bloc equivalent, can be a powerful deterrent.

--Provide targetting and troop movement information, especially from signals intercepts.

--Get food into rebel-held areas.

I would hope that those four steps already are being taken. The French intelligence services actually have a very good reputation for being operationally effective, so I would expect that at least some of this stuff is going on. If not, time for President Obama to get on the phone.

In addition, we should ready the next four steps:

--Announce harsh penalties for any foreign mercenaries caught fighting for Qaddafi, but offer amnesty for anyone who stops fighting now and leaves the country.

--Take very public steps for a no-fly zone, like flying half a wing each into the U.S. base in Sigonella, Sicily (which would handle the western end of Libya) and the U.S. base at Souda Bay, Crete (from which the eastern end of the country would be patrolled).

--Prepare to announce a no-fly zone, but only do it if we are sure we can do it and sustain it for several weeks or even months. 

--As I've said before, if we decide to actually put in people on the ground, like for a snatch-and-grab of Qaddafi, we then would want to do a no-fly zone simultaneously, just to make it more difficult for Qaddafi to move around and to pour sand into the gears of his command-and-control system.

As it happens, Defense Secretary Robert Gates is in Brussels today so he likely will have some interesting conversations on all this.